GI Bill

Context

During World War II, as Americans planned for peace, grim memories of the past haunted their vision of the future. The Great Depression, the worst in U.S. history, had lasted for eleven years, from the stock market crash of 1929 until the eve of American entry into World War II. Since defense mobilization had finally ended the depression, it seemed likely that demobilization at the end of the fighting would cause the economy to sputter. Polls showed that while Americans yearned for victory, they worried that hard times would accompany a return to peace. More than fifteen million veterans would be looking for work once Germany and Japan surrendered. Where would they find jobs as the factories that had built tanks, planes, and ships scaled back production, laid off workers, and closed down operations?

Many Americans, too, remembered recent problems in dealing with veterans. After World War I, Congress approved payment of $60 in mustering-out pay to each veteran, along with money for train fare home. Some veterans' groups complained that they deserved more for their wartime service. The American Legion, founded in 1919, called for additional compensation in the form of a bonus, which became law in 1924. Most veterans, however, had to wait twenty years for the payment of the full amount of their bonus. As the Great Depression became more severe, veterans pressed Congress to pay the bonuses immediately. In 1932, a Bonus Army of veterans came to Washington, D.C., to make their case but failed to secure the necessary legislation. On July 28, 1932, President Herbert Hoover ordered federal troops to drive the Bonus Army from the nation's capital. Many Americans sympathized with these veterans, who, like them, were trying to find some way to meet their daily expenses during those hard economic times. Others, though, wondered why veterans deserved special treatment when millions of Americans were unemployed or living in poverty. Whatever their views about the Bonus Army, no one wanted a similar incident to occur after World War II.

President Franklin D. Roosevelt took the lead in shaping plans for returning those in uniform to civilian life. In a radio address on July 28, 1943, he declared that “our gallant men and women in the armed services” must not come home to “inflation and unemployment, to a place on a bread line, or on a corner selling apples” (Rosenman, vol. 12, p. 333). Ensuring that prosperity would follow the peace, the president said, would open economic opportunities for all Americans, not just veterans. But because they had made greater sacrifices, veterans deserved special assistance, including compensation to cover expenses while looking for postwar employment, federal aid for education or job-training programs, and adequate medical care and rehabilitation services for those with illnesses or disabilities. Three months later, on October 27, Roosevelt sent Congress a report from an advisory panel of educators recommending that young men and women who had served their country in war have a chance to resume their education or technical training. Congress began to consider the president's proposals, and on February 3, 1944, Roosevelt signed legislation providing a final (or mustering-out) payment of $100, $200, or $300, depending on length of time in the armed forces and whether an individual had served overseas.

On January 8, 1944, the American Legion took a dramatic step that hastened action on the other proposals for veterans benefits. Under the leadership of National Commander Warren H. Atherton, the Legion proposed combining all benefits for veterans of World War II in a single piece of legislation, “a bill of rights for G.I. Joe and G.I. Jane” (Ross, p. 99). Within a few days, the proposal became known as the GI Bill of Rights. The title was as important as the substance of the proposal. “GI,” standing for “government issue,” was a common term for someone in the armed forces; the Bill of Rights—the first ten amendments to the Constitution—guaranteed precious individual freedoms. Combining the two was a stroke of genius. The Legion also used its influence to mount a powerful public relations campaign in early 1944 in favor of quick approval of this all-American piece of legislation.

In an election year, many members of Congress were eager to enact a program certain to be popular with voters. But one influential representative, John Rankin, slowed consideration of the legislation. Rankin was a strong advocate of veterans benefits. A Democrat from Mississippi, he was also a white supremacist at a time when racial segregation was a sad but pervasive reality of American life. He wanted to restrict eligibility requirements for some benefits in order to limit assistance to African Americans. He was also a strong opponent of organized labor and was determined that striking workers not collect unemployment compensation. Rankin held up the legislation as he tried to amend the legislation—and, in some cases he succeeded. But Congress gave its final approval on June 13, 1944. On June 22, Roosevelt signed what almost everybody called the GI Bill of Rights, even if its official name was the Servicemen's Readjustment Act of 1944.