James Thacher: Military Journal during the American Revolutionary War

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January. At the precise period when my medical studies and education are completed, under the patronage of Dr. Abner Hersey of Barnstable, and I am contemplating the commencement of a new career in life, I find our country about to be involved in all the horrors of a civil war. A series of arbitrary and oppressive measures, on the part of the mother-country, has long been advancing to that awful crisis, when an appeal to the power of the sword becomes inevitable. The event of this mighty struggle is to decide an affair of infinite magnitude, not merely as it respects the present generation, but as it will affect the welfare and happiness of unborn millions. The great fundamental principle, in the present controversy, is the right which is claimed by the Parliament of Great Britain, to exercise dominion, as the only supreme and uncontrollable legislative power over all the American Colonies. “Can they make laws to bind the colonies in all cases whatever; levy taxes on them without their consent; dispose of the revenues, thus raised, without their control; multiply officers at pleasure, and assign them fees, to be paid without, nay, contrary to and in direct violation of acts of our provincial assemblies, and approved by the crown? Can they enlarge the power of admiralty courts; divert the usual channels of justice; deprive the colonists of trial by a jury of their countrymen; in short break down the barriers which their forefathers have erected against arbitrary power, and enforce their edicts by fleets and armies?” Then indeed are we reduced to a state of abject slavery; and all resistance to acts of Parliament may justly be called by the name of treason and rebellion. “The people of these colonies consider themselves as British subjects, entitled to all the rights and privileges of Freemen. It is inseparably essential to the freedom of a people, and the undoubted right of Englishmen, that no taxes be imposed on them but with their own consent, given personally or by their representatives. From their local circumstances, the colonies cannot be represented in the house of commons of Great Britain; the only representatives of the people of the colonies are the persons chosen therein by themselves; and no taxes ever can be constitutionally imposed on them, but by their respective legislatures.” All acts of Parliament therefore, for raising a revenue in America, are considered as depriving us of our property, without our consent, and consequently as a palpable infringement of our ancient rights and privileges. They are unconstitutional and arbitrary laws, subversive of the liberties and privileges secured to us, by our royal charters. It is not consistent with the principles which actuate the American, people, ever tamely to submit to such a degrading system of government; not, however, from a want of loyalty to our king, nor from an undue impatience of subordination or legal restraint; for in a quiet submission and demeanor to constitutional authority, and in zeal and attachment to our king, we dare to vie with any of our fellow-subjects of Great Britain; but it is an innate love of liberty, and our just rights, that impels us to the arduous struggle. In no country, it is asserted, is the love of liberty more deeply rooted, or the knowledge of the rights inherent to freemen more generally diffused, or better understood, than among the British American Colonies. Our religious and political privileges are derived from our virtuous fathers; they were inhaled with our earliest breath; and are, and will I trust ever be, implanted and cherished in the bosom of the present and future generations. These are the prevalent sentiments in New England at this eventful crisis, and all the other provinces, Georgia excepted, are known; to be in unison with us in the resolution, to oppose with all our power every violation of our just rights and privileges. We are not, however, authorized, even in the most glorious of causes, to expect a perfect unanimity among a people. Numerous are the springs of men’s actions; and diversity of sentiment and views are characteristic of human nature. Accordingly we find a small minority in our country who are inimical to the common cause, an who are continually opposing every proceeding of the majority. These people are doubtless actuated by various motives; a few, comparatively, influenced by principle; some by a spirit of timidity, or the absurd doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance; others, from the strength of their passions, and weakness of judgment, are biassed and led astray by designing demagogues. …

Those disaffected individuals, who still adhere to the royal cause, have received the epithet of Tories; the very name is extremely abhorrent to the people in general, and they are subjected to such rigorous discipline as to prevent them from doing injury to the great cause of our country. The great majority of the people are happily united in the resolution to oppose, to the uttermost, the wicked attempts of the English cabinet. This class of people have assumed the appellation of Whigs; but by our enemies are stigmatized by the name of Rebels. If, as we affirm, the British government have ceased to rule agreeably to the principles of our constitution, and our royal charter, and have assumed to themselves the high prerogative of despotic sway, then are we absolved from our allegiance and duties as British subjects. A contract abrogated by one party, can no longer be binding on the other. If we are menaced with royal power and authority, we justify ourselves in defending our indefeasible rights against despotism and tyrannical oppression. Cowards alone will bend to unjust power, and slaves and sycophants only will yield both soul and body to the disposal of tyrannical masters. Should our efforts, under God, be crowned with the desired success, we shall obtain the honor of rescuing ourselves and posterity from vassalage; but if compelled to succumb under royal power, then will ours be the rebel’s fate, the scaffold and the gibbet will be glutted with their devoted victims. We cannot justly be accused of a rash precipitance of proceeding; for petitions and memorials, couched in the most loyal and humble language, have been at various periods presented to our royal sovereign, and his parliament, praying for a redress of grievances; but they are deaf to all our complaints and supplications, and the coercive arm of Power is suspended over us, threatening implacable vengeance.

Among the odious acts of the British Parliament they passed one which imposed a duty on the article of tea, and several cargoes of this commodity were shipped to America to obtain the duty and a market. On the arrival of the tea ships at Boston great indignation was excited among the people; town meetings were called to devise some legal measures to prohibit the landing of the odious article. It was universally understood that if the tea was once landed and stored, it would by some means come to a market, and the duty to the government be secured. In order to defeat this object a number of persons in disguise entered the ships at the wharves, broke open three hundred and forty-two chests of tea, and discharged their contents into the water at the dock. This was on the 16th December, 1773. When intelligence of this summary proceeding reached England, it was condemned by the government as enormously criminal. They menaced our province with the most exemplary vengeance, and Parliament soon passed the Boston Vindictive Port Bill as a part of their coercive system, so that merely the name of tea is now associated with ministerial grievances, and tea drinking is almost tantamount to an open avowal of toryism. Those who are anxious to avoid the odious epithet of enemies to their country, strictly prohibit the use of tea in their families, and the most squeamish ladies are compelled to have recourse to substitutes, or secretly steal indulgence in their favorite East India beverage.

March. For the purpose of enforcing submission to the cruel mandates of the royal government, a reinforcement of the British army has arrived at Boston and General Gage is appointed Governor and Commander in Chief. An armed fleet also occupies the harbor; and the whole port is closed against all but British vessels. In short, the horrors of civil war seem stalking, with rapid strides, towards our devoted country. … Though no judicial courts are in existence, few crimes are committed; all is peace, order and regularity. The people are their own rulers, and never was there less need of penal laws. Trivial disputes are mutually adjusted or decided by reference; pecuniary demands are suspended, and the simple recommendations of Congress, and of our committees of safety, receive that cheerful acquiescence which is scornfully denied to the coercive edicts emanating from despotic power. …

April 21st. Intelligence is now received that the British regulars have marched out of Boston, and actually commenced hostilities against our people at Lexington. For the purpose of ascertaining the particular facts, I have been desired to wait on Colonel Otis, at his mansion in this town. It was in the evening, when I found, this dignified patriot in his easy-chair, with several of his neighbors listening with agitated spirits to some account of this first most awful tragedy. The good old gentleman had received a letter containing a statement of some particulars and with manifest trepidation he said to this effect: “The British troops marched to Lexington and Concord last Wednesday, the 19th instant, for the purpose of destroying some of our military stores; our militia collected and met them at Lexington; the regulars soon commenced firing on them; our people returned the fire; a smart skirmish ensued, and several men were killed on both sides. The British were compelled to retreat, in some confusion, to Boston; and our people pursued and harassed them. The fearful day has arrived! a civil war has actually commenced. in our land. We must be prepared for the worst, and may God preserve and protect our country.” This tragical event seems to have electrified all classes of people; the brave are fired with manly resentment, the timid overwhelmed in despair; the patriotic whigs sorrowing over public calamities, while the tories indulge the secret hope, that the friends of liberty are about to receive their chastisement. The sword is now unsheathed, and our friends are slaughtered by our cruel enemies; expresses are hastening from town to town, in all directions through the country, spreading the melancholy tidings and inspiriting and rousing the people To Arms! Arms! The people of New England have taken the alarm, and their hearts are animated even to enthusiasm. …

May. Since the catastrophe at Lexington, our Provincial Congress have addressed the several towns of the colony in a circular letter, in the following impressive language: “We conjure you by all that is dear, by all that is sacred, that you give all assistance possible in forming the army. Our all is at stake. Death and devastation are the certain consequences of delay. Every moment is infinitely precious. An hour lost may deluge your country in blood, and entail perpetual slavery on the few of your posterity who may survive the carnage. We beg and entreat, as you will answer it to your country, to your consciences, and, above all, as you will answer it to God himself that you will hasten and encourage, by all possible means, the enlistment of men to form the army, and send them forward to head-quarters at Cambridge, with that expedition which the vast importance and instant urgency of the affair demands.”

It is scarcely possible to describe the zeal and military ardor which pervades New England since the battle at Lexington. It is supposed that nearly forty thousand men have been in arms with the design of investing the town of Boston, and avenging themselves on the enemy for their late slaughter of our brethren. The universal voice is “starve them out.” Drive them from the town, and let his majesty’s ships be their only place of refuge. Our Provincial Congress have resolved that an army of thirty thousand men be immediately raised and established. A considerable number have already enlisted, and being formed into regiments, have taken their station at Cambridge and Roxbury. The country militia, in great numbers, have arrived from various parts of New England; and the town of Boston is now invested on all sides, and thus is the whole royal army reduced to the humble condition of a besieged garrison. The situation of the inhabitants is deplorable; a considerable proportion of the most affluent have removed into the country; but others, from various circumstances, are compelled to remain and suffer all the calamities of a besieged town and precarious subsistence. Instances indeed are not wanting of members of families being torn from each other, women and children flying from their husbands and parents, under the most afflictive and destitute circumstances. …

June 14th. …

We are again shocked by intelligence that a terrible battle has been fought between the British regulars and the American soldiers, on Bunker, or rather Breed’s hill, in Charlestown, near Boston, on the 17th instant. The report states that the whole town of Charlestown is burnt to ashes by the enemy, and that Dr. Joseph Warren, lately appointed major-general in our army, is killed; and that several hundreds of our soldiers are killed and wounded. The battle, it is said was extremely severe and destructive; but the provincial troops displayed the greatest courage and bravery, in the face of the regulars, and have obtained immortal honor. The British were several times defeated before they took possession of our works, and have suffered a loss of more than a thousand of their best troops; among whom are a large proportion of their most valuable officers. They are now taught that Americans can bid defiance to royal regulars, when called to defend their freedom. The situation of our country is truly deplorable, a civil war at our doors; our neighbors, our fathers and brothers, called from their families to encounter an inexorable enemy, consisting indeed of brethren and kindred; our domestic peace and welfare cruelly interrupted, and the aspect of our public affairs gloomy in the extreme. …

July.  …

Having received my appointment by the Provincial Congress, I commenced my duty in the hospital, July 15th. Several private, but commodious, houses in Cambridge are occupied for hospitals, and a considerable number of soldiers who were wounded at Breed’s hill, and a greater number of sick of various diseases, require all our attention. Dr. Isaac Foster, late of Charlestown, is also appointed a senior hospital surgeon; and his student, Mr. Josiah Bartlet, officiates as his mate; Dr. Benjamin Church is director-general of the hospital.

I am informed that General George Washington arrived at our provincial camp, in this town, on the 2d July; having been appointed, by the unanimous voice of the Continental Congress at Philadelphia, general and commander-in-chief of all the troops raised, and to be raised, for the defence of the United Colonies, as they are now termed. They are, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. …

October.  An event of considerable importance has occurred, which occasions much surprise and speculation. Dr. Benjamin Church has long sustained high reputation as a patriot and son of liberty. He has, for some time, been a member of our House of Representatives; and has been appointed surgeon-general and director of our hospitals. This gentleman has just been detected in a traitorous correspondence with the enemy in Boston. A letter in cipher, written by him, was intrusted to the care of a female, with whom he was well acquainted, to be conveyed to Boston. On examination, the woman absolutely refused to reveal the name of the writer, till she was terrified by the threats of severe punishment; when she named Dr. Church, he was greatly agitated and confounded, manifested marks of guilt, and made no attempt to vindicate himself But after the letter was deciphered, and he had taken time to reflect, he used all his powers of persuasion to make it appear that the letter contained no information that would injure the American cause; and made a solemn appeal to Heaven that it was written for the purpose of procuring some important intelligence from the enemy. He was tried, convicted, and expelled from the House of Representatives; and Congress afterwards resolved, “that he be closely confined in some secure jail in Connecticut, without the use of pen, ink, or paper; and that no person be allowed to converse with him, except in the presence and hearing of a magistrate, or the sheriff of the county.” (Dr. Church was finally permitted to depart from the country. He and his family embarked for the West Indies; the vessel foundered at sea, and all were lost.)

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January, 1776.  At the close of the last year, as is now reported, our army was reduced to a very critical situation, being obliged to substitute new-raised troops and militia in the place of those who had been in service five or six months; and this exchange was made within musket-shot of the enemy’s lines. During part of this period, our numbers were not sufficient to man the lines, nor was there powder enough in camp to furnish four rounds a man. Before our privateers had fortunately captured some prizes with cannon and other ordnance, our army before Boston had, I believe, only four small brass cannon and a few old honey-comb iron pieces with their trunnions broken off; and these were ingeniously bedded in timbers in the same manner as that of stocking a musket. These machines were extremely unwieldy and inconvenient, requiring much skill and labor to elevate and depress them. Had the enemy been made acquainted with our situation, the consequences might have been exceedingly distressing.

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His Excellency General Washington is present, animating and encouraging the soldiers, and they in return manifest their joy, and express a warm desire for the approach of the enemy; each man knows his place, and is resolute to execute his duty. … These are the preparations for blood and slaughter. Gracious God! if it be determined in thy Providence that thousands of our fellow-creatures shall this day be slain, let thy wrath be appeased, and in mercy grant that victory be on the side of our suffering, bleeding country!

7th. There are strong indications in Boston that the king’s troops are preparing to evacuate the town; and that no attempt will be made to dispossess our people of the works which we have constructed on Dorchester heights.

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Immediately after the enemy sailed from Boston harbor, General Washington ordered the major part of his army to march to New York, to secure that city against the apprehended invasion of General Howe. It was not till Wednesday, the 20th, that our troops were permitted to enter the town, when our regiment, with two or three others, were ordered to march in, and take up our quarters, which were provided for us in comfortable houses. While marching through the streets, the inhabitants appeared at their doors and windows; though they manifested a lively joy on being liberated from a long imprisonment, they were not altogether free from a melancholy gloom which ten tedious months’ siege has spread over their countenances. The streets and buildings present a scene which reflects disgrace on their late occupants, exhibiting a deplorable desolation and wretchedness.

22d. A concourse of people from the country are crowding into town, full of friendly solicitude, and it is truly interesting to witness the tender interviews and fond embraces of those who have been long separated, under circumstances so peculiarly distressing. But it is particularly unfortunate on this occasion, that the small-pox is lurking in various parts of the town; which deters many from enjoying an interview with their friends. …

May. As the small-pox is in many parts of the town among both the inhabitants and soldiers, I was advised by my friends to have recourse to inoculation for my own safety, though contrary to general orders. I was accordingly inoculated by my friend Dr. John Homans, and have passed through the disease in the most favorable manner, not suffering one day’s confinement. …

July 3d. Orders are given to inoculate for the small-pox, all the soldiers and inhabitants in town as a general infection of this terrible disease is apprehended. Dr. Townsend and my-self are now constantly engaged in this business. …

18th. This day the declaration of American Independence has been proclaimed in form from the balcony of the state-house in this town. On this most joyful occasion Colonels Whitcomb and Sargeant’s regiments, were paraded under arms in King street; and also a detachment from the Massachusetts regiment of artillery with two field pieces. A number of the members of our council and house of rerepresentatives, the magistrates, clergymen, selectmen, and a large number of other gentlemen of Boston, and of the neighboring towns, assembled in the council-chamber. At one o’clock the declaration was proclaimed by Colonel Thomas Crafts, and was received with great joy. …

This highly important transaction of our Congress is the theme of every circle and topic of universal discussion, and it receives the sanction and approbation of a large majority of the community. When we reflect on the deranged condition of our army, the great deficiency of our resources, and the little prospect of foreign assistance, and at the same time contemplate the prodigious powers and resources of our enemy, we may view this measure of Congress as a prodigy. The history of the world cannot furnish an instance of fortitude and heroic magnanimity parallel to that displayed by the members, whose signatures are affixed to the declaration of American Independence. Their venerated names will ornament the brightest pages of American history, and be transmitted to the latest generations. The instrument was signed by John Hancock, Esq. as President, and by fifty-four others, delegates from the thirteen United States. …

20th. General Washington, finding the city of New York untenable, has removed his whole army about nine miles up the country; which be effected in safety, though under a heavy cannonade from the British shipping. General Howe with his army took immediate possession of the city. Major-General Sullivan, who was captured on Long Island, has been permitted to return o his parole; and is charged with a message to Congress from Lord Howe. The purport of the message is, that his lordship, as commissioner, could not treat with Congress, as such; but is desirous of a conference with some of the members, as private gentlemen. Congress could not consider themselves justified in sending any of their members in their private character; but ever desirous of establishing peace on reasonable terms, offered to send a committee to inquire whether his lordship had any authority to treat with persons authorized by Congress for this purpose, and what that authority was, and to hear such propositions as he should think proper to make respecting the same. They accordingly made choice of Dr. Benjamin Franklin, John Adams, Esq. and Edward Rutledge, Esq., who had an interview with Lord Howe on Staten Island. The first proposition from his lordship was, that the colonies should return to their allegiance and obedience to the government of Great Britain. The committee expressed their opinion, that a return to the domination of Great Britain was not to be expected. They mentioned the repeated humble petitions of the colonies to the king and parliament, which had been treated with contempt, and answered with additional injuries; the unexampled patience we had shown under their tyrannical government, and that it was not till the last act of Parliament, which denounced war against us, and put us out of the king’s protection, that we declared our independence; and that it is not now in the power of Congress to agree that the people should return to their former dependent state. The committee reported to Congress that it did not appear that his lordship’s commission contained any other authority of importance than what is expressed in the act of Parliament, namely, that of granting pardons, with such exceptions as the commissioners shall think proper to make, and of declaring America, or any part of it, to be in the king’s peace on submission. The committee conducted the business with great judgment, and in a manner becoming the dignity of their character. The Congress adopted no other measures on this occasion; and the British commissioners, finding that the United States could not relinquish their independency, published their declaration to the people at large, recommending to them “to reflect seriously on their present conduct and expectations, and to judge for themselves, whether it is more consistent with their honor and happiness to offer up their lives as a sacrifice to the unjust and precarious cause in which they are engaged, or to return to their allegiance, accept the blessings of peace, And be secured in the free enjoyment of their liberties and property.” Had the declaration of independence been deferred but a few weeks longer, this proceeding of the commissioners might have been productive of consequences exceedingly disastrous to our country. …

I have collected from the preceding pages of my Journal some observations relative to the formation and character of our army. After the battle at Lexington, such was the enthusiasm for the cause of liberty, and so general and extensive the alarm, that thousands of our citizens, who were engaged in the cultivation of their farms, spontaneously rushed to the scene of action; and an army was assembled almost without the efforts of public authority. At this most eventful period, it was the fond hope of a large proportion of our patriotic leaders, that the controversy with our parent-country would yet be compromised on honorable and equitable terms. Though the haughty Britons had unsheathed the sword, and shed the blood of their brethren, it was impossible to endure the idea that our loyal and humble supplications to the king could any longer be contemptuously rejected; more especially after a complete union of all the colonies in a determined opposition to their tyrannical measures was clearly demonstrated. Calculating therefore that the services of an army would be required for a short period only, and the troops in the field consisting chiefly of minute-men, volunteers and militia, it was a considerable time before they were regularly organized into regiments and brigades. In many instances the soldiers were indulged the privilege of choosing their own officers; the consequence was, as might be expected, that the choice did not fall on the most respectable and meritorious, but on those who were the most popular among the lower class; and these too frequently proved unqualified to discharge their military duties in a manner creditable to themselves or advantageous to the public service. Nor was it to be expected that this description of people could appreciate the importance of the great desiderata in all armies, discipline and subordination. It has been found, by sad experience, that but little dependence can be placed on an army of militia, and those whose term of service is so short that they are almost continually fluctuating from camp to their farms, and in whom the noble spirit of patriotism is in a considerable degree extinguished. There is another evil of a very serious complexion which has manifested itself in our camp. Since the troops from the Southern states have been incorporated and associated in military duty with those from New England, a strong prejudice has assumed its unhappy influence, and drawn a line of distinction between them. Many of the officers from the South are gentlemen of education, and unaccustomed to that equality which prevails in New England; and, however desirable, it could scarcely be expected that people from distant colonies, differing in manners and prejudices, could at once harmonize in friendly intercourse. Hence we too frequently bear the burlesque epithet of Yankee from one party, and that of Buck-skin, by way of retort, from the other. The troops which compose the continental army being enlisted for a few months only, their time of service will soon expire. Congress, being apprised of the absolute necessity of a permanent army, have lately resolved, “to raise a standing army to consist of about seventy-five thousand men, to serve for the term of three years, or during the war.” …

October 15th. I have now to record an account of a naval engagement between the two fleets on Lake Champlain. The British, under command of Sir Guy Carleton, advanced on the 11th instant, and found our fleet in a line of battle prepared for the attack. A warm action soon ensued, and became extremely close and severe, with round and grape shot, which continued about four hours. Brigadier-General Waterbury, in the Washington galley, fought with undaunted bravery, till nearly all his officers were killed and wounded, and his vessel greatly injured; when General Arnold ordered the remaining shattered vessels to retire up the lake, towards Crown Point, in order to refit. On the 13th, they were overtaken by the enemy, and the action was renewed, in which was displayed the greatest intrepidity on both sides. The Washington galley, being crippled in the first action, was soon obliged to strike and surrender. General Arnold conducted during the action with great judgment, firmness and gallantry, obstinately defending himself against a superior force, both in numbers and weight of metal. At length, however, he was so closely pressed that his situation became desperate, and he run his own vessel, the Congress galley, on shore, which with five gondolas were abandoned and blown up. Out of sixteen of our vessels, eleven were taken or destroyed, five only arrived safe at this place. Two of the enemy’s gondolas were sunk by our fleet, and one blown up with sixty men. Their loss in men is supposed to be equal to our own, which is estimated at about one hundred. A large number of troops were on board the British fleet, consisting of regulars, Canadians and savages, which have been landed on each side of the lake, and it is now expected that Sir Guy Carleton, at the head of his army, reported to be about ten thousand strong, will soon invest this post. By order of General Gates, our commander, the greatest exertions are constantly making, by strengthening our works, to enable us to give them a warm reception; and our soldiery express a strong desire to have an opportunity of displaying their courage and prowess; both officers and men are full of activity and vigilance. …

December 10th. Intelligence has lately arrived at head-quarters here, that a British fleet, and a detachment of five or six thousand of the royal army have taken possession of Newport, in Rhode Island, without any opposition; many of the inhabitants being friendly to the royal cause, they were received as friends. By letters from officers, and by other information from our main army, we learn with sorrow that our affairs in that quarter are in a most deplorable and almost desperate situation. Since the evacuation of New York, several battles and skirmishes have taken place between the two armies, with considerable loss on both sides; but his excellency the commander-in-chief has constantly avoided a general action. Fort Washington and Fort Lee have fallen into the hands of the enemy, with a considerable number of prisoners; and our army being reduced to the lowest ebb, discouraged and dispirited, are retreating through the Jerseys, and the enemy in close pursuit. The continental army has even crossed the Delaware, and left the whole state of Jersey in the possession of the royal army. …

Such is now the gloomy aspect of our affairs that the whole country has taken the alarm; strong apprehensions are entertained that the British will soon have it in their power to vanquish the whole of the remains of the continental army. The term of service of a considerable part of our troops has nearly expired, and new recruits do not arrive in sufficient numbers to supply their places. His Excellency General Washington is continually making every possible effort to produce a change of circumstances more auspicious to our country. The critical and distressing situation in which he is placed is sufficient to overwhelm the powers of any man of less wisdom and magnanimity than our commander-in-chief. He has the confidence and the affection of the officers and soldiers of the whole army; and there is not perhaps another man to be found so well calculated to discharge the duties of his important and responsible station. It is generally agreed by our officers that, in his retreat through the Jerseys and over the Delaware, under the most pressing difficulties, he displayed the talents and wisdom characteristic of a great military commander, possessing unfailing resources of mind. …

The king’s commissioners, flushed with the success of the royal army, have availed themselves of the occasion, and put forth another proclamation, granting pardons to all those who shall within sixty days subscribe a declaration to remain peaceable, not to take up arms, nor encourage others to act against the king’s authority; and at the same time, they charge and command all who are assembled in arms against his majesty to disband, and all under the names of general and Provincial Congress committees, &c. to desist from their treasonable practices, And relinquish their usurped power within sixty days from the date of the proclamation.

This production, couched in the haughty style of royal authority, demands submission of those who have long since been compelled to abjure all allegiance to the British crown. How far the people of this continent may be disposed to retrace their steps, to abandon the government of their choice, relinquish their independence and succumb to arbitrary power, is a point to be decided within sixty days. However apparently forlorn, is our situation, we presume to hope that his majesty’s commissioners will not realize their sanguine expectations, though British clemency on the one hand, and the gallows on the other, may be the alternative. The Congress resolved, on the 12th instant, that it be recommended to all the United States as soon as possible to appoint a day of fasting and humiliation. This is according to the custom of our pious ancestors in times of imminent dangers and difficulties. Considering the rapid movements of the enemy, and knowing it to be their intention to possess themselves of the city of Philadelphia, the Congress have resolved to retire to Baltimore in Maryland. They have also ordered, that hand-bills be circulated through the states with the view of rousing the whole people to a sense of the impending danger, and the calamities that will ensue should the enemy succeeded in the attempt to get possession of the capital.

 

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Source: James Thacher. A Military Journal During the American Revolutionary War from 1776 to 1783. Boston: Richardson and Lord, 1823.