Palestinian National Charter

Explanation and Analysis of the Document

The amended Palestinian National Charter of 1968 consists of thirty-three articles. It differs from the earlier 1964 charter by striking a more militant tone against Israel, largely because it was written in the aftermath of the Arab states' humiliating defeat in the 1967 Six-Day War. The charter serves a number of purposes. It represents an effort to rally the Palestinian people scattered across the Middle East by giving them a sense of national unity. It also represents a kind of declaration of independence from the state of Israel. Most important, it declares the state of Israel illegitimate.

Articles 1 through 3 define Palestine as the homeland of the Palestinian people. Reflecting the pan-Arabism of the Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser in the 1950s and early 1960s, the charter asserts that Palestine is an indivisible part of a larger Arab nation. In this sense, the charter is a subtle appeal to the surrounding Arab nations for support in the Palestinians' struggle against Israel. The charter asserts that the Palestinians have a legal right to their homeland in Palestine and to self-determination. Articles 4 through 6 then specify who a Palestinian is. After declaring that the Palestinians have a genuine identity as a people—an important point, given that the Palestinians were dispersed throughout the Middle East—the charter defines a Palestinian as any Arab who lived in Palestine prior to the “Zionist occupation,” or the creation of the state of Israel. Palestinians also included anyone born to a Palestinian father, whether in Palestine or elsewhere. The charter also notes that Jews who lived in Palestine before the “Zionist invasion” are likewise considered Palestinians. Thus, the charter defines Palestine and Palestinians in secular rather than religious terms. A Palestinian is a citizen of a state rather than a member of an ethnic or religious group. This issue is taken up later, in Article 20, which states that Judaism is a religion, not a nationality, and that Jews are citizens of whatever state they live in—and thus have no historical claim to Palestine. In general, the Palestinians would claim that they are not opposed to Judaism. Rather, they oppose Zionism, which in their view has led to the usurpation of their homeland.

Articles 7 through 10 take up the issue of armed struggle against Zionism. The charter asserts the Palestinians' “historical connection” to Palestine—an issue that forms the core of the dispute between the Arab Palestinians and the Jews, for Jewish analysts deny any such historical connection on the part of Arab Palestinians and point to Old Testament history to document their claim to Palestine. The charter then asserts that it is the duty of every Palestinian parent to bring up children to sacrifice their possessions and their lives, if necessary, to bring about the liberation of Palestine. The charter notes that there is dissension among Palestinian factions but urges Palestinians to put aside those dissensions to achieve a larger goal, the defeat of “the forces of Zionism and colonialism.” The only way that goal can be achieved is through “armed struggle.” That struggle would be conducted by fedayeen (rendered as “Feday'ee” in the document), an Arabic word that means “ones who sacrifice.” The word refers to commandoes who volunteer to give up their lives for the state. From the viewpoint of the West, the fedayeen are terrorists and suicide bombers. The fedayeen, according to the charter, “constitute the nucleus of the Palestinian popular liberation war.” Again the charter calls on the Arab and Palestinian people to put aside their differences so that the war can be prosecuted.

Articles 11 through 14 stress the theme of unity. The charter announces three mottoes: “national unity, national mobilization, and liberation.” The charter affirms that the Palestinians are part of a larger Arab identity but also states that during the present phase of their existence Palestinians have to assert a uniquely Palestinian national identity. Nevertheless, the destiny of Palestine and that of the Arab world are intertwined. The “interdependence” of Palestinians and the larger Arab community means that only with Arab support could Palestine be liberated.

Articles 15 through 18 enumerate the advantages of a liberated Palestine from a number of viewpoints. From an Arab stance, it would “repel the Zionist and imperialist aggression against the Arab homeland” and lead to “the elimination of Zionism in Palestine.” For decades, this and similar assertions in the charter have been a key sticking point. From the standpoint of Israel and its allies, chiefly the United States, the goal of the Palestinians is the eradication of Israel. In the face of this kind of threat, the Israelis have argued that their nation has to take whatever steps are necessary to prevent its own destruction, including force of arms. The result is a massive public relations problem for Israel. Many observers worldwide regard the Palestinians as the weaker party in the dispute, able to fight only with the primitive tools at its disposal; the modern phrase is asymmetrical warfare, referring to a war between an armed power and a much weaker opponent. The Israelis, on the other hand, can employ the apparatus of a modern state—sophisticated weaponry, an organized and highly trained military, security services—in reprisals against Palestinian aggression. In this environment, many intellectuals, especially in Europe, see Israel as the aggressor nation; Israel would respond that it is protecting itself against aggression, particularly aggression directed at civilians in terrorist attacks, and that in contrast to the more fanatical Palestinians, Israel makes every effort to avoid civilian casualties in its military operations.

The charter goes on to say that from a spiritual point of view, the liberation of Palestine would protect the Holy Land and make it a place of “safety and tranquillity” for all, regardless of “race, color, language, or religion.” It would restore to Palestinians their “dignity, pride, and freedom.” From an international point of view, Palestinian liberation is part of an ongoing worldwide struggle by oppressed peoples for liberation and self-determination.

Article 19 through 23 return to the issue of Zionism. The charter asserts that the 1947 partition of Palestine into Arab and Jewish zones is “illegal” because it was done contrary to the will of the Palestinian people and in opposition to their right of self-determination. The charter also claims that the Balfour Declaration and the Mandate for Palestine are “null and void.” The charter goes on to openly challenge Zionism, saying that it is “associated with international imperialism” and that it is “racist and fanatic in its nature, aggressive, expansionist and colonial in its aims, and fascist in its methods.” Article 23 urges the international community to “consider Zionism an illegitimate movement, to outlaw its existence, and to ban its operations.”

Articles 24 through 27 turn to the Palestinian Liberation Organization, which was formed by the 1964 charter and Basic Law. The 1968 charter affirms the role of the PLO as the representative of the Palestinian people. Articles 28 through 33 represent a summing up. Again the charter asserts the right of Palestinians to liberation and control over their homeland, a process that would be accomplished through “fighters and carriers of arms.” In the future, the Palestinians were to have a flag, a national anthem, and an oath of allegiance. The Basic Statute of the Palestine Liberation Organization would be attached to the charter and would constitute the framework for the PLO's procedures and organization. The charter concludes by specifying procedures for amending the charter.