Thomas Jefferson: First Inaugural Address

Explanation and Analysis of the Document

Jefferson's First Inaugural Address was written with the same felicity with which he wrote the Declaration of Independence. In the first part, the address sets a highly idealistic spirit for democratic government, but elsewhere it lists the practical stance that would become Jefferson's political credo as president. In 1,716 words, forty-one sentences, and six paragraphs, Jefferson captures the political aspirations of the Enlightenment.

In the first paragraph Jefferson thanks the American people for the trust they showed in electing him as the president. As was customary at the time, the newly elected executive officer declares his limited talents to face the daunting tasks ahead. Looking at the huge expanse of American territory with its tremendous bounty and fruitfulness, the industry of its people, and the fear with which European nations look upon it, he believes that America's destiny is far beyond the ability of “mortal eye” to comprehend. He is humbled to think that “the honor, the happiness, and the hopes of this beloved country” are entrusted to his care. He knows by looking over the faces in the audience that he will “find resources of wisdom, of virtue, and of zeal on which to rely under all difficulties.” He tells Congress that he will look to them “for that guidance and support which may enable us to steer with safety the vessel in which we are all embarked amidst the conflicting elements of a troubled world.”

In the second paragraph Jefferson looks at the bitter election just completed. People elsewhere would have been shocked at the vehemence of the campaign. But the campaign and election are now over and “the voice of the nation, announced according to the rules of the Constitution,” has been heard and will be put into effect “for the common good.” All must agree that in a republic “the will of the majority is in all cases to prevail.” But the majority “to be rightful must be reasonable” and must respect the rights of the minority, “which equal law must protect, and to violate would be oppression.”

Americans should now “unite with one heart and one mind” and “restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty and even life itself are but dreary things.” Religious oppression had long since been banished from America; it was now time to ban “political intolerance as despotic, as wicked, and capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions.” Some feared political differences more than others, “but every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle. … We are all Republicans, we are all Federalists.” Those who might wish to dissolve the Union or change the American system of republican government should be left free “as monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated where reason is left free to combat it.”

Jefferson acknowledges that some men fear that republican governments in general and the American government specifically are not strong enough to survive. He, however, believes that the government that obtained independence and “has so far kept us free and firm” is “the world's best hope” and should not be exchanged for “the theoretic and visionary fear” of a few. (Here Jefferson turns the table on his opponents who had long accused him of being visionary.) America, according to Jefferson, possesses the strongest government in the world—one in which the people would rally to defeat any aggressor. Some might question whether man is capable of governing himself. If such were the case, how, Jefferson asks, could we expect man to govern others?

In the third paragraph Jefferson lists the blessings that allow Americans to pursue federal and republican principles and maintain the Union and representative government “with courage and confidence.” Being separated from Europe by a vast ocean has kept and will keep Americans out of the “havoc” of European politics. Living in “a chosen country” with land enough for generation after generation is a wonderful blessing. Americans also possess “a due sense of our equal right to the use of our own faculties,” to benefit from our own industry, to rise in society from our own abilities not as a result of our birth. We enjoy a benign religion in a variety of sects that all inculcate “honesty, truth, temperance, gratitude, and the love of man; acknowledging and adoring an overruling Providence, which by all its dispensations proves that it delights in the happiness of man here and his greater happiness hereafter.” What more, Jefferson asks, “is necessary to make us a happy and a prosperous people?” He answers his own question: “Still one thing more, fellow-citizens—a wise and frugal Government, which shall restrain men from injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned. This is the sum of good government, and this is necessary to close the circle of our felicities.”

In the fourth paragraph Jefferson identifies “the essential principles of our Government and consequently those which ought to shape its Administration.” He compresses them by merely “stating the general principle” and omitting the detail: “Equal and exact justice to all men” no matter their political or religious beliefs; peace, commerce, and friendly relations with all countries but “entangling alliances with none”; the support of the state governments as the most competent authorities to administer domestic affairs, with the general government serving as the “sheet anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad”; free elections with mild corrections for those who try to obtain redress of grievances by the sword when unsuccessful by peaceable means; acquiescence to the rule of the majority, which is “the vital principle of republics”; a viable militia system that is the first line of defense in peace and war until relieved by a national army in time of war; the subservience of the military to the civilian authority; limited expenditure of funds with low taxes and the steady and complete payment of the national debt; the preservation of public faith; “the encouragement of agriculture, and of commerce as its handmaid”; and the freedom of the press, freedom of religion, the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, and the impartiality of jury trials. These, Jefferson asserted, are the basic principles that have guided both our ancestors and those who fought for independence and a reformation of the American government. The wisdom of sages and the blood of heroes had sought these goals. “They should be the creed of our political faith, the text of civic instruction, the touchstone by which to try the services of those we trust.” If we wander from these goals “in moments of error or of alarm,” we should return to them as soon as possible as the only pathway that “leads to peace, liberty, and safety.”

In his penultimate paragraph Jefferson says that subordinate positions he held allow him to appreciate the difficulties inherent in the presidency. He understands “that it will rarely fall to the lot of imperfect man to retire from this station with the reputation and the favor which bring him into it.” He knows that he does not enjoy the degree of confidence that people had in Washington when he first became president. Still, he asks for the people's indulgence when he errs, “which will never be intentional,” and their “support against the errors of others.” He again thanks the American people for their confidence. He will continue to seek their “good opinion” as he works “to be instrumental to the happiness and freedom of all.”

In his closing paragraph Jefferson expresses his reliance upon the “good will” of the American people. He will gladly retire when they have found a better choice to fill the presidency. Until then, he hopes “that Infinite Power which rules the destinies of the universe [will] lead our councils to what is best, and give them a favorable issue for your peace and prosperity.”

Additional Commentary by Michael J. O'Neal, Ph.D.

The opening paragraph of the First Inaugural Address expresses goodwill, hope for the growing nation, Jefferson's humility at being called to such a high office, and his belief that the Constitution has provided him with effective counselors in the legislature and throughout government. Jefferson gets to the core of his message in the second paragraph when he alludes to the recent election (“contest of opinion”) and to “the animation of discussions and of exertions” that had “sometimes worn an aspect which might impose on strangers unused to think freely and to speak and to write what they think.” This statement is an almost comically understated reference to the bitter election that Jefferson had eventually won. He makes a call for unity—“We are all Republicans, we are all Federalists”—but this type of statement is common among new presidents, who express the hope that after the divisions of an election, legislators and citizens can come together for the common welfare.

Jefferson had good reason for wanting to appeal to national unity. In the election campaign of 1800 the Republican (or Democratic-Republican) Party he led was pitted against the Federalist Party led by the incumbent president, John Adams. Jefferson's running mate, though, was the New York State assemblyman Aaron Burr, who was nominally a member of Jefferson's own party but held beliefs more like those of the Federalists and was, in fact, backed by many Federalists. These parties had widely differing visions of what America should be, with the Republicans favoring an agricultural nation with limited federal government and the Federalists envisioning a big-city manufacturing nation with a strong federal government. Throughout the campaign charges and countercharges flew. The Republicans claimed that the Federalists favored aristocratic values; the Federalists accused the Republicans of all manner of high crimes and warned that Republicans would usher in the kind of revolution that was in full swing in France. The campaign became personal, with slanders and smears on both sides. Jefferson's opponents characterized him as an “atheist” and an “infidel.” Each party tried to manipulate the voting process in the states in its favor, and after the votes were cast, allegations of irregularities surfaced.

Although Jefferson won a strong majority of the popular vote, he and Aaron Burr were tied in the electoral vote count, throwing the election into the House of Representatives. Under the provisions of the Constitution in effect at that time, members of the Electoral College did not vote separately for president and vice president; they cast one vote, and the runner-up was to be vice president. From February 11 to February 17 the House conducted thirty-five ballots before electing Jefferson on the thirty-sixth. Jefferson's election marked a major realignment in the nation's political structure, essentially ending Federalist rule and bringing about the eventual demise of the Federalist Party.

The bulk of Jefferson's inaugural address, then, is an appeal for unity. He defends the Republican Party against the charge that it was not strong enough for the nation to survive. He notes that both parties had the same goals, such as a strong union based on representative government, where all citizens had the freedom and scope to pursue their own welfare, free from the despotism of monarchies. He appeals to the nation's “benign religion,” practiced in “various forms” but united by “honesty, truth, temperance, gratitude, and the love of man.” In the fourth paragraph, Jefferson outlines the principles that will shape his administration, including equal justice, no “entangling alliances” with other nations, support of the rights of the states, a “well-disciplined militia,” frugality in public expenditures, the diffusion of knowledge, particularly through a free press, and the rights guaranteed by the Constitution. In the final two paragraphs he again expresses his humility in the face of the duties he has been called on to perform and asks for the blessing of an “Infinite Power.”